It's presidential campaign season, which means it's once again time for largely innumerate journalists to read the tea leaves of candidates' financial disclosures in hopes of finding something--anything!--juicy enough to hold their largely innumerate readers' attention. Look, here's some dirt on Barack Obama's stash o' cash! And here's a peek behind John McCain's financial curtain! I'm not sure why anyone thinks this is a useful exercise. What value do we take from this armchair analysis, anyway?
One, we confirm that the candidates are far richer than most of us are. Just like pretty much every other person ever elected to national office. Wealth and power are strongly correlated, no surprise there. We don't learn with much specificity at all just how much richer than the average American they are; each category of assets is disclosed by a range (say, $1million to $5million) instead of with specificity. Add up the low end of each range and you get a very different picture than if you add up the high end of that range. So either specificity is not important, in which case we learn what we already knew (to quote Dave Chappelle's Rick James bit, "I'm rich, bitch!"), or specificity is important, in which case we don't get it because of how the disclosures are structured.
Two, we learn whether a candidate is invested in nasty, earth destroying, human rights abusing companies, either with individual stocks of through mutual funds. OK, that's interesting, and certainly juicy in a wonk-meets-US Weekly sort of a way. I like to judge people as much as the next opinionista. But precisely what that tells us in the policy dimension is unclear-- for example, both Obama and McCain have recently sold off funds that include companies doing business in Sudan. That doesn't tell us how their administration would address Darfur. Maybe it tells us they're interested in divestiture as one of many tools for political pressure and social change, and that they'll use the office of the president to stop the violence and to get the truth and reconciliation ball rolling; maybe it just tells us they don't want to get asked about Darfur on the campaign trail because genocide is so damn depressing and embarrassingly enough they aren't planning on doing anything about it. Regardless of what a candidate's financial disclosure says, people of good conscience should be asking the candidates "How would you use the resources and power of the United States to stop genocide, in Darfur and elsewhere?" No one gets a pass on genocide, for pete's sake. But financial disclosures don't provide us with a deeper way of asking that question.
That's about it, so far as I can see.
Tom Middleton, however, seems to believe we can add a third item to the list: Oh noes, the tax-and-spend liberal invests in tax-free accounts! The hypocrisy! The humanity! The humocrisy! To the pillory with him!
Here's the scoop. At the end of 2007, Obama (or the Obamas; it's not clear from the article whether the account is joint) has between $1m at $5m in the Northern Municipal Money Market Fund.* It's his largest investment account, and because it includes assets like municipal bonds, it's largely tax free. Those types of investments are also some of the lowest-risk funds out there, which is just possibly maybe the tiniest bit relevant, considering the Obamas did not grow up wealthy, did not inherit or marry wealth, have in fact only come by most of their wealth relatively recently, and didn't even pay off their student loans until the royalties on his bestsellers hit their bank account, so possibly there's some element of wanting to play it real safe-like. Pop-psych notwithstanding, given the fact that Obama has said he would propose various "tax increases" (or, in less biased language, stop exempting certain types of income from taxes for certain high-income individuals), does his investment in tax-free funds present an appearance of hypocrisy? What a profoundly stupid question, thank you for asking, Tom. No, it does not. Here's why.
In the scheme of things, tax-free or tax-advantaged municipal investments (typically for physical infrastructure, like roads and bridges, or institutional infrastructure like schools, or for budget-balancing or debt repayment) are the types of investments that are socially beneficial. When a city or county can't afford these types of investments or expenses on their own, they turn to bonding, and in order to get people to buy the low-yield bonds instead of higher-potential stocks or mutual funds, government uses the carrot of tax incentives. It is responsible social policy to incentivize desirable behavior.
If Obama were proposing to begin taxing income from bonds, notes, and the like then yes, that would be hypocritical. But Middleton (and others who have jumped on the imaginary hypocrisy wagon train) is confusing apples with oranges despite the fact that they look, smell, feel, and taste very different. It's not his fault. Some conservatives have been brainwashed into believing that a tax is a tax is a tax. Those are not the people I want in charge of anything. Those people do not understand, or they willfully ignore, both nuance and logic, and they care only about scoring cheap points with other people who do not understand, or who wilfully ignore, both nuance and logic. Middleton implies that in order to be logically consistent, a person who wants to eliminate one tax exemption must work to eliminate all tax exemptions, lest they be a hypocrite. That's the definition of a logical fallacy. It's equivalent to saying that someone who wants to raise school district taxes must want to tax all the money in your 401(k) and Roth IRA, too. It's just a fantastically ill-conceived statement.
Obama's proposal to stop exempting high earners from paying their fair share of a 12.4% Social Security payroll tax (currently, income over $102,000/year is not subject to this tax) is a different animal entirely from rolling back the policy of not taxing income from bond investments. The former would proportionately spread the load among all taxpayers for a defined social program of general benefit; the latter would disincentive a socially useful incentive program to the point where bonding would no longer be a viable method of public financing, and would push money to a general fund with no guarantee of social benefit. Apples, meet oranges.
And underlying all of this is an idea that progressive values and a desire to strengthen the social safety net carries with it an obligation to give the government as much money as possible. Wrong for two reasons. First of all, I'm not especially interested in maximizing my tax exposure under the current regime given that something approaching half of all revnues paid fund militarism and fearmongering. Second of all, and this is especially so for those of us who do not have million dollar investment accounts, there is no social safety net. Not really, nothing beyond the kindness of other people, and the one you are able to create for yourself. It would be great if there were, but until that day shows up, there's no conflict between progressive politics and tax-advantaged investing.
Go ahead and hate on Obama's Social Security tax proposal; go ahead and hate on the failure to tax bond income. (I am not going to waste my time hating on either, because they both make a great deal of sense to me.) But do it honestly, and make sure your criticisms pass the smell test.
* I'm working from the article because I can't find his most recent financial disclosure online in my quick googling, and therefore can't verify whether this is all correct as Middleton reported.